Exploring the Impact of Makeup on Gendered Ideas of Femininity among Transgender Women in India

Abstract

In the context of India, where gender norms are deeply entrenched in patriarchal structures and the binary understanding of gender, this research investigates the impact of makeup on the gendered ideas of femininity among transgender individuals. Makeup serves as an expression of the self and a means for self-evaluation and self-enhancement. Transgender individuals are judged by society according to cisnormative gender stereotypes that include many components of gender characteristics and traits. The focus of this study is the perceptions of beauty, specifically the perceptions of transgender women’s beauty. Gender norms around femininity and masculinity are reflected in the gendered concept of beauty, which frequently determines what is seen as beautiful for each gender. Traditional ideas of femininity, for instance, place a strong emphasis on qualities like grace, gentleness, and nurturing. These characteristics may manifest as desires for physical features such as long hair, radiant complexions, and hourglass bodies. In contrast, characteristics linked to masculinity, such as power, aggression, and dominance, may affect how attractive men are perceived, emphasizing muscularity and angular features. Stereotypes related to physical attractiveness are a presiding element of gender stereotypes, as they are strongly and consistently associated with other components of gender stereotypes. While makeup is often associated with femininity, its significance and implications for transgender individuals within the cultural context of India remain understudied. Through qualitative methods such as semi-structured interviews, demographic questionnaires followed by focus groups as well as thematic analysis, along with discrepancy theory and self-image congruity, this study explores how transgender individuals in India navigate femininity through makeup practices, examining their experiences, perceptions, and challenges. Within a culture that enforces criteria on acceptable appearance for women, transgender women (i.e., those who were assigned male at birth and identify as women or feminine) may internalise cultural messages about ideal attractiveness related to traditional feminine gender presentation norms such as thinness and beauty (Serano, 2007). The hypothesis suggests a positive correlation between the use of makeup and perceived femininity. By investigating the experiences and narratives of transgender individuals, this research seeks to provide insights into the impact of such an invention on self-perception. Additionally, the study will investigate potential factors that may influence the relationship between the two, such as socio-cultural norms, and support systems. The findings of this research may contribute to a better understanding of the needs and challenges faced by transgender individuals in India and inform the development of more inclusive cosmetic policies.

Introduction

I. INTRODUCTION

A. Problem Statement

In India, transgender women face unique challenges in navigating societal perceptions of femininity, often influenced by cultural norms and traditional beliefs. Makeup, as a pivotal aspect of gender expression, holds significant potential to influence these perceptions. However, there remains a notable gap in understanding how makeup specifically impacts the gendered ideas of femininity among transgender women in the Indian context. This research seeks to address this gap by exploring the role of makeup in shaping and redefining gender expressions among transgender women in India. By uncovering these dynamics, this study aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of gender identity formation and inform culturally sensitive approaches to promoting inclusivity and empowerment within Indian transgender communities.

B. Purpose and Research Question

The objective of this investigation is to look into how the usage of makeup alters gendered conceptions of femininity among transgender women in India. By investigating this link, the researcher wants to gain a better understanding of how cultural and societal influences influence gender identity expression within the transgender community.

Research question: how does makeup impact the gendered ideas of femininity among transgender women in India?

This question guides the exploration of makeup's role in shaping perceptions of femininity within the specific cultural and social context of India, aiming to uncover insights that can inform supportive interventions and policies for transgender individuals.

C. Significance of the Research

This research holds several significant implications:

1. Cultural understanding: It contributes to a deeper understanding of how cultural norms and traditions influence gender identity expression among transgender women in India, particularly through the use of makeup.
2. Social impact: By exploring the impact of makeup on gendered perceptions of femininity, the study can inform initiatives aimed at promoting acceptance and inclusivity within Indian society towards transgender individuals.
3. Policy and interventions: Findings can guide the development of policies and interventions that support transgender individuals in expressing their gender identities authentically and accessing resources that enhance their well-being.
4. Academic contribution: It adds to the body of literature on gender studies, specifically focusing on transgender experiences and identity formation within a Indian cultural framework.
5. Empowerment: By highlighting the role of makeup in self-expression and identity affirmation, the research may empower transgender women to assert their identities and challenge stereotypes and prejudices associated with gender norms.

Overall, this research aims to foster a more inclusive and supportive environment for transgender individuals in India, addressing gaps in knowledge and advocating for social change.

II. LITERATURE REVIEW

A. Transgender Women in India

Hijras have historically been defined as people who are “neither man nor woman” and were born into the male gender.[1] Hijras are part of a diverse and multifaceted community that encompasses individuals who identify as male to female transgender and who may choose to live as women full-time or part-time, as well as those who want or do not want a sex change procedure (or at least the removal of male genitalia).[2] Certain individuals who identify as hijra wish to have contemporary sex-reassignment surgery performed on them, which could include constructing a vagina.[3]

Transgender activists in India disagree with the term “third gender,” which has been used in the mainstream media to refer to transgender people recently for a number of reasons. Not all transgender people want to be labeled as “third gender,” as some may prefer to be identified as men or women. Furthermore, some individuals who identify as gender queer believe that this term simply perpetuates categories of gender that are mutually exclusive, shifting the focus from a gender binary to three genders. Finally, the phrase might imply that transmen and transwomen want to be lumped together under the umbrella term “third gender.” Fourth, and relatedly, transmen are further marginalised when “third gender” is associated with visible transwomen/hijras. Lastly, the term “third gender” implies a hierarchy and devaluation. The first gender is man; the second is woman, or biological female; and the third is called the “third gender.” The majority of trans people in India identify as hijras, but there are a number of other indigenous terms that trans people, particularly transwomen, use to identify themselves. These terms differ depending on the region of India: kinnars, mangalmuki in Karnataka, thirunangai (or aravanis) in Tamil Nadu, shivshakti in Andra Pradesh, and jogappa or jogta in some parts of Karnataka and Maharashtra. [4]

These indigenous trans communities in India have a hierarchical social structure, which is a significant commonality. Hijra communities have multiple chelas (disciples) under a guru (master), and they are part of a gharana (clan) led by a nayak (supreme leader). Typically, hijras are from one of the seven gharanas, which are led by seven nayaks.

There might be fewer or different gharanas in some Indian states (for example, in Hyderabad, there are only two gharanas: Bade Haveli and Chotte Haveli). Generally speaking, the gharanas are split based on the types of jobs that each member performs.[1]

B. Gender Identity and Femininity

The extent to which individuals perceive themselves as masculine or feminine in light of what it means to be a man or woman in society is known as one's gender identity, or femininity and masculinity.[2] The social (a person's gender) rather than the biological (a person's sex) is the foundation of both femininity and masculinity. When members of society define what it means to be male or female (e.g., aggressive or emotional, submissive or dominant), men typically define themselves as masculine and women define themselves as feminine. It is possible for a person to identify as female and perceive themselves as masculine, or vice versa, as these are social definitions.

It is critical to differentiate gender identity from other gender-related ideas like gender roles, which are accepted standards of conduct based on one's gender. Gender roles could involve, for instance, men investing in the worker role and women investing in the domestic role.[3] Gender stereotypes, which are common beliefs about characteristics of the human psyche frequently associated with a person's gender, such as expressiveness in women and instrumentality in men, are not the same as the concept of gender identity.[4] Additionally, gender identities are distinct from gender attitudes, which are the opinions of others or circumstances that are typically associated with a person's gender, such as men thinking about justice and women thinking about care.[5]

Gender identity encompasses all the meanings that an individual assigns to themselves based on their gender identity. Consequently, gender-related behaviour is motivated by these self-meanings.[6]

The subject of gender differences in temperament was addressed by anthropologist Margaret Mead in her 1935 book Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies. The results of this preliminary investigation suggested that there is no need for characteristics or temperamental differences between the sexes. Men's and women's observed temperamental differences were not caused by biological differences between them. Instead, they were the outcome of cultural norms and socialization disparities between the sexes. Mead's three studied societies displayed patterns of temper that differed greatly from our own, which leads one to this conclusion. Both sexes of the Arapesh exhibited traits associated with a “feminine” temperament: they were cooperative, expressive, and passive Males and females of the Mundugamor exhibited traits associated with a “masculine” temperament, such as being competitive, energetic, and useful. Lastly, both genders among the Tchambuli exhibited temperaments that were distinct from one another yet in opposition to our pattern. Men were expressive and emotional in that society, whereas women were active and helpful.  Mead's research led many to reconsider what femininity and masculinity are. Gender roles, identities, and various gender-related traits could no longer be inextricably linked to biological sex. The nature/nurture debate has been thoroughly researched and hotly debated since Mead's study, but definitive answers have not yet been reached.[7] There is much more variation within each sex group even though there may be slight temperamental differences between the sexes at birth (though the evidence for this is inconsistent). Furthermore, the influence of potential innate sex-specific temperamental differences is greatly outweighed by the demands of socialization and education.[8]

Psychoanalytic theory (Freud, 1927), cognitive-developmental theory (Kohlberg, 1966), and learning theories emphasizing direct reinforcement (Weitzman, 1979) and modelling (Mischel, 1970) are at least three of the major theories that explain the development of femininity and masculinity.

However, this paper will only be focusing on the development of femininity, hence the femininity aspect of these theories only. These theories all involve a two-step procedure. The child learns in the first step that she or he is male or female. The child learns what it means to be a girl or a boy in terms of femininity and masculinity in the second step.

Psychoanalytic theory holds that identifying with a same-sex parent is the first step towards developing one's gender identity. The conflict that exists during the oedipal stage of psychosexual development gives rise to this identification. A child forms a strong sexual bond with their opposite-sex parent by the time they are three years old. Concurrently, the same-sex parent experiences negative emotions based on jealousy and resentment. By the time the child is six years old, the psychic conflict has been resolved when they identify with the same-sex parent and give up their desires for the opposite-sex parent. Girls therefore pick up femininity from their mothers. According to a more recent version of psychoanalytic theory, mothers are crucial to the formation of gender identity.[1] Since their sons are not of the same sex, mothers are more likely to view them as distinct and different. However they are of the same sex, and they also feel a sense of continuity and oneness with their daughters. Consequently, moms will develop a close relationship with their daughters, helping girls develop their femininity.

Another psychological theory on the development of gender identity is the cognitive-developmental theory (Kohlberg 1966). Similar to psychoanalytic theory, this theory proposes that important events occur that shape gender identity development over time, but they originate in the cognitive rather than the psychosexual domain. In contrast to the psychoanalytic theory and learning theory that will be covered next, gender identity development precedes rather than follows same-sex parent identification. Long before same-sex modelling becomes prevalent, children are motivated to exhibit gender-congruent attitudes and behaviours once their gender identity has been established. Simply put, same-sex modelling advances the process. According to Kohlberg, the formation of gender identity occurs in two essential stages: (1) obtaining a stable gender identity, and (2) establishing gender identity constancy. When a child hears the label “girl” applied to herself, she starts to identify as a female, marking the beginning of the first stage. The child can identify their gender by roughly the age of three. Gender identity becomes fixed at this point. By the time a child is four years old, they can correctly assign genders to other people. The child enters the second crucial stage of gender constancy within a year or two. This is the 6-year-old realizing that, despite changes in her age or appearance, her gender will not change.[2]

The learning theories are the most social theories concerning the formation of gender identity. According to these theories, a child's social environment—including their parents and teachers—shapes their gender identity. Here, the parent or instructor either teaches the child directly—by giving rewards and punishments—or indirectly—by setting an example that the child looks up to and imitates. When it comes to behaviour—girls' passivity and dependence, and outward appearance—girls wear dresses—direct rewards or punishments are frequently applied. Examples of these include dolls for girls—as well as object preferences. Children learn proper behaviour and appearance through rewards and penalties. Gender identity is indirectly acquired through observing and imitating same-sex peers, parents, teachers, and media models. Because a child expects to receive the same rewards as the rewarded model, it will mimic the thoughts, feelings, and behaviours of the model.[3]

The Role of Makeup in Gender Expression

Men's makeup didn't become popular until the 1930s, with the rise of Hollywood films and pop culture in general. Though makeup and male beauty products were initially used by movie stars who focused on basic grooming and a “polished” look, they quickly became more diverse.

By the 1970s and 1980s, radical artists like Prince, David Bowie, Freddie Mercury, and others were the main users of men's makeup and cosmetics. The term “metrosexual” emerged in the early 2000s, when men who invested time, money, and effort in their appearance and grooming began to challenge restrictive masculine expectations. Pete Wentz and Adam Lambert, two prominent male “punk” pop-cultural artists of the time, popularized the use of makeup and introduced the concept of “metrosexuality”. [4]

As previously stated in the paper, binary gender roles establish expectations for behavior for each gender and result in consequences for nonconformity. Even inside the binary, adopting masculine traits—like dressing in male attire and sporting male haircuts—is socially more acceptable than adopting feminine traits.

Men who take on feminine characteristics, like wearing dresses or applying makeup, run the risk of being harassed or even violently attacked. Those who identify as gender fluid, transgender, or gender non-conforming are particularly vulnerable to this threat to their existence because of their gender expression. Gender expression is how a person outwardly expresses their gender identity. It includes physical expressions in the form of the person's makeup. Some examples of gender identity are masculine, feminine, and androgynous (neither entirely masculine nor inherently feminine) (Smart Sex Resource, n.d.).                  

The most widely accepted means of expressing one's identity and individuality is through fashion. As overt physical manifestations of the self, makeup serves as a representation of a person's uniqueness, way of thinking, culture, and self-identity—elements that they might not be able to publicly express in society through words or other acts. Then, it is recognized that makeup and attire both have a significant socializing impact and act as a means of subtly expressing one's individuality.[1]                                  

As a result, even as men's skincare and grooming became more popular in the late 90s and early 2000s, it perpetuated stereotypes that defined what made a man and a woman. For instance, in a commercial for Fair and Handsome, a men-only fairness cream, Shah Rukh Khan, the brand ambassador, was seen berating a muscular male wrestler for using a women's fairness cream, implying that it was improper for a “physically strong male” to use feminine products. Moreover, the idea of men's grooming and cosmetics focused only on making men look presentable on the outside, rather than on how men express themselves on the inside through their physical appearance.

Although this paper acknowledges the importance of gender expression through cosmetics and appearances, it is important to note that a wider range of people are using these ideals; cisgender, heterosexual men who choose an androgynous appearance without it being a reflection of their gender identities are also using them.

III. METHODOLOGY

A. Research Design

This study used a qualitative research approach to investigate transgender women's perceptions and experiences with the impact of makeup on gendered notions of femininity in India. Qualitative methods are used to provide a more comprehensive knowledge of individual viewpoints and cultural settings around makeup use among transgender women. Semi-structured surveys were employed to explore the perceptions and experiences of transgender women regarding the impact of makeup on gendered ideas of femininity in India. Semi-structured surveys allow for flexibility in responses while ensuring consistency in data collection.

B. Participants

Sampling and Recruitment

1. Sampling Strategy: Snowball sampling was utilized due to its effectiveness in accessing a diverse and often marginalized population like transgender individuals in India. This method allowed initial participants, who are recruited through LGBTQ+ organizations and online communities, to refer potential participants from their social networks.
2. Recruitment Process: Participants were initially identified through LGBTQ+ support groups and online forums dedicated to transgender rights and issues in India. These individuals were invited to participate in the study and were encouraged to refer other transgender women who might be interested in sharing their experiences.

Sample Characteristics

1. Demographics: The sample consists of transgender women residing in various regions of India, including urban and rural areas. Participants range in age from 18-44 years old, representing diverse socioeconomic backgrounds and educational levels.
2. Inclusion Criteria: Participants identify as transgender women, have experience with or interest in using makeup, and are willing to discuss their perspectives on femininity and cultural influences related to makeup.
3. Sample Size: The total sample size is 28; 6 respondents from Hyderabad and 22 from Delhi.

B. Data Collection Methods

1. Survey Design: The semi-structured survey includes a combination of closed-ended questions (quantitative) and open-ended questions (qualitative). Closed-ended questions assess participants' demographic information, makeup usage patterns, and perceptions of beauty standards, while open-ended questions invite detailed responses on personal experiences with makeup, cultural influences, and perceptions of femininity.
2. Data Collection: Surveys were administered online or in-person, depending on participant preference and accessibility. Participants were encouraged to provide detailed responses to open-ended questions to capture the richness of their experiences and perspectives.
3. Ethical Considerations: Prior to participation, informed consent was obtained from all participants, outlining the voluntary nature of participation, confidentiality of responses, and the right to withdraw from the study at any time.

IV. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

A. Demographic Characteristics

The study involved a total of 28 transgender women participants, with a distribution of 6 respondents from Hyderabad and 22 from Delhi. The age range varied, with participants predominantly falling between 18 to 34 years old, reflecting a diverse representation of urban Indian transgender women.

B. Experience with Makeup

The participants showed varied engagement with makeup:

1. Usage Patterns: 57.1% of participants reported using makeup daily, with 28.6% using it occasionally and 7.1% using it rarely.
2. Types of Products: Commonly used products included foundation, lipstick/lip gloss, mascara, and eyeliner, tailored to individual preferences and routines.
3. Time of Use: Makeup usage was primarily during nighttime (25%) and on special occasions (21.4%), highlighting its role in daily life and social events.

C. Impact of Makeup on Gender Expression and Self-Perception

Participants expressed a range of emotions and perceptions related to makeup:

1. Emotional Response: Wearing makeup elicited feelings of confidence (42.9%) and beauty (46.6%), while a minority reported feelings of discomfort (7.1%).
2. Significance of Makeup: For many, makeup was a form of self-expression (32.1%) and a confidence booster (32.1%), affirming their gender identity and enhancing personal appearance.
3. Pressure to Conform: 64.3% of participants felt pressure to conform to traditional gender roles when wearing makeup, influencing their perception of femininity and self-expression.

D. Perceptions of Femininity and Makeup

The study explored how transgender women perceive makeup in relation to femininity:

1. Association with Femininity: A majority strongly agreed (35.7%) or agreed (42.9%) that makeup is associated with femininity, reflecting cultural norms and personal beliefs.
2. Social Perception: While some participants perceived societal acceptance (39.9%) or neutrality (21.4%) towards transgender women wearing makeup, a significant sample reported judgment (28.6%) or stigma (10.7%) from others.
3. Experience of Discrimination: 89.3% of participants reported experiencing discrimination or stigma for wearing makeup, highlighting challenges in societal acceptance and inclusion.

E. Cultural and Social Factors

Cultural and social influences shaped participants' experiences with makeup:

1. Influence of Cultural Norms: 42.9% of participants cited significant influence from cultural norms in their decision to wear makeup, with variations observed between Indian and Western perceptions.
2. Comparison of Cultural Perceptions: A majority (53.6%) believed there were notable differences in how makeup is perceived across Indian and Western cultures, influencing their makeup practices and societal interactions.
3. Social Support: 64.3% of participants reported having a supportive network regarding their makeup practices, underscoring the importance of social acceptance and community in affirming personal choices.

Open-ended Questions

In addition to the structured survey questions, participants were invited to share their personal experiences and thoughts through open-ended questions. These qualitative responses provided deeper insights into the role of makeup in their lives and its impact on their gender identity.

Several key themes emerged from the open-ended responses:

1. Empowerment and Self-Expression: Many participants described makeup as a tool for self-expression and empowerment. It allowed them to present themselves authentically and boosted their confidence in social interactions.
2. Challenges and Societal Acceptance: Participants shared experiences of societal judgment and discrimination when wearing makeup in public spaces. They highlighted the challenges of navigating cultural norms and societal expectations.
3. Cultural Influences: Cultural norms significantly influenced participants’ decisions to wear makeup. They noted differences between Indian and Western perceptions of makeup and its association with femininity.
4. Support Networks: The presence of supportive networks, including friends and community groups, was crucial. These networks provided emotional support and validation, facilitating participants’ exploration of makeup as part of their gender expression.
5. Accessibility and Barriers: Participants discussed barriers to accessing makeup products, such as affordability, availability of inclusive shades, and safety concerns. These factors sometimes limit their ability to fully engage with makeup.

Conclusion

Therefore, this research has examined how makeup is a complex construct with close associations with the portrayals of femininity by the TGW in India, where the expression of gender is closely intertwined with culture and society. In light of discrepancy theory and self-image congruity, this study uses qualitative research methods to gather narratives of and about TGWs to find how makeup is an essential way of affirming their gender identity. It may be noted that the study demonstrates that makeup assists the transgender women in achieving the desired female body image but at the same time, subverts and debates mainstream notions of femaleness. The implications that can be derived from this study are indeed very significant. This paper shares important findings of the interaction between the cultural and gender constructs in the development of transcentric Expressions Map and underscores the timely and urgent need for supportive living environments for transsexed persons. This work promotes the creation of laws and programs that will ensure that every woman, or any TGW can show her true self and feel accepted within society through researching the effects of makeup on TGW’S confidence and social acceptance. Nevertheless, this research contributes to gender study literature especially the Indian and infuse the need to encourage empowered dominance of those women as they proclaim their sex. Lastly, this study reminds us about the importance of makeup as an effective tool for the judicial and contestational gendered performance practices of the world’s TMW in a society that has produced tightly prescribed performative gender norms. It means changing the overall orientation of society to acceptance and inclusion, presenting an opportunity for the transsexuals to live free and be able to manifest their gender they desire. This work supports the development of equal opportunities as it relates to beauty standards and trends of gender; society should embrace the diversity of people and their sexual orientation.

Copyright

Copyright © 2024 Samairaa Atri. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.